Worth More Than A Pitcher Of Warm Spit – Why The Vice President Matters, and Why They Can No Longer Be Ignored
The Vice Presidency has always had its critics. Woodrow Wilson’s Vice President, Thomas Marshall, who often derided his own office, was fond of telling the story of the two brothers. One went to sea, the other became Vice President. Neither was heard from again. When offered the Whig party’s nomination for Vice President, Daniel Webster is supposed to have responded “I do not propose to be buried until I am dead”. Such was the disdain, and apparent hollowness of the role, one observer back in the 19th century was reported to have observed the Vice Presidency was “about as challenging as having your haircut”.
Until the 20th Century, this was, in many ways, true. The Vice President had no formal role save to break ties in the Senate, and wait for some accident to befall the President. It was a position that bestowed a title on its incumbent, but no function. The office was further weakened by some of its occupants. Many of the incumbents during the 19th century were questionable characters who were less-than-qualified to assume the presidency should the need arise. Chester Arthur’s only public service prior to succeeding the slain James Garfield had been as Collector of Customs for seven years at the Port of New York. Richard Johnson spent more time running his tavern than engaging in the duties of his office; Andrew Johnson arrived at Lincoln’s inauguration inebriated having drunk an entire bottle of Whiskey; John Calhoun caused numerous problems for Andrew Jackson; and Schulyer Colfax was almost impeached. The worst of the lot was perhaps the infamous Aaron Burr, who killed Alexander Hamilton in a duel, and was tried for treason for attempting to seize New Orleans, and then mount an attack on Mexico. He was later exonerated.
By the 20th century, things were beginning to look up for the Vice Presidency. Men of greater calibre, like Theodore Roosevelt, occupied the office and it was steadily seen as a platform to launch a presidential bid. It would also see an expansion in the role of the office. Thomas Marshall became the first Veep to attend a cabinet meeting; and although declaring his office to be “not worth a pitcher of warm spit”, John Nance “Cactus Jack” Garner was extensively used by Franklin Roosevelt for his legislative experience, to get many of his New Deal measures through Congress. Roosevelt’s next Vice President, Henry Wallace, a former cabinet member, chaired several boards and committees, and was heavily involved in foreign policy within the administration, though lost his influence due to frequent clashes with other cabinet members.
It was not until Harry Truman, that there was a defined statutory role for the Veep. Truman, distressed at the way he had been cut out of the Roosevelt administration, despite the severity of the President’s health, was determined to ensure that no future Vice President was so ill-prepared to take over. He created the National Security Council, and made the Vice President one of the statutory members, ensuring that he was informed of every detail of national security. Truman’s Vice President, the ageing Alben Barkley, made little of his new role, although many of his successors faired better. Nixon, for example was used extensively in foreign policy by Eisenhower, who referred to him as “the most important member of my team”, and Lyndon Johnson was given control over several commissions, including NASA.
The modern Vice Presidency only really took place with Walter Mondale, Jimmy Carter Vice President. Before taking office, Mondale agreed with Carter the role he was to have in the administration. Rather than taking on the line assignments of his successors, which had given the Vice President increased status, though little power, Mondale secured Carter’s approval to act as an all-purpose advisor, becoming in many ways a “deputy president”. Carter found Mondale’s counsel invaluable, and a precedent was set for President-Vice President relations, which has steadily seen the Vice Presidency grow in power and influence. George HW Bush had a more substantive role again than Mondale had, although he was somewhat less generous with his Vice President, Dan Quayle, upon becoming President himself. Quayle was widely perceived in public as being a bumbling fool, an image not dispelled by reports quoting him as saying he wished he’d “studied Latin harder in school, so I could converse with these people” during a trip to Latin America.
In recent years, the “New” Vice Presidency has emerged in the form of Gore and Cheney, both of whom wielded huge power and influence in the White House. Both men were involved in nearly every major decision undertaken in their respective administrations. Gore rivalled Hillary Clinton as Bill Clinton’s principal advisor. Cheney was so influential in the Bush White House, particularly in matters of foreign and defence policy, that he was nicknamed the “War Minister”. Both vie for the title of the nation’s “most powerful Vice President”.
All this leaves Obama and McCain in a difficult position where they must delegate a significant amount of power and responsibility to their Vice President once they’re elected. A precedent has been set in previous administrations, from which there is no turning back. Every new Vice President is described as the “most powerful Vice President in history” and for an Obama or McCain Vice President, this will be no different. For Obama, Biden will have a huge part to play, as he will in effect assume the role of the Democrats’ Dick Cheney. Biden will be heavily involved in all foreign policy decisions, and will in all likelihood act as a wise old mentor for Obama, and a legislative liaison. If it’s Palin, she will represent a huge link to the Christian Conservative Base of the Republican party. Though perhaps it is too early to tell, I feel she will probably perform a more Quayle-like role – a player within the White House, but not respected as one of the President’s top three or four advisors. She won’t be cut out of the administration, Truman’s reforms ensure that, but whilst being significant, her role may not encompass as much influence as Gore’s, Cheney’s, bush’s or Mondale’s.
The key for both candidates, however, is to hammer out an agreement with the presidential candidate before the election, outlining their role as Vice President. This is a vital pre-requisite to ensuring they play as full a part in the administration as possible. It would be a brave President who would try to sideline their number two. The role has become too significant. The Vice Presidency has grown up.
